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Symphony No. 1
Autograph Full
score – AF2
US-NHub Osborn Collection,
MS 506 Fascicle structure
First Movement
Second
movement – Blumine
Third
Movement – Scherzo
Fourth movement
Fifth movement
Symphony No. 1
– Manuscript sources
Symphony No. 1 –
Main page
Catalogue Homepage
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1 |
Bauer-Lechner is mistaken: Mahler did not attend
the wedding. See
NBLMW, p. 60, fn. 31. |
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2 |
With his letter Mahler enclosed a press cutting
from the Berliner Tagblatt 'concerning a matter
that has been troubling Frau Perrin of late (she used to be much
more sensible)'. This was 'Helmholtz über Suggestion und
Wunderglauben', Berliner Tagblatt 32/161 (29
March 1903, 3), which quotes the whole of a letter from
Helmholtz written in response to an inquiry about an article by
Karl Emil Franzos (1848–1904) et al., 'Die
Suggestion und die Dichtung', Deutsche Dichtung, 9
(1890–91), 71–130. Helmholtz, of whose views Mahler approves,
takes a generally sceptical view of suggestion and hypnosis.
The immediate stimulus for both the reproduction
of the letter, Jenny Perrin's interest, and Mahler's reference
to it, was the recent conviction and imprisonment for fraud of
the German medium Anna Rothe (1850–1907). |
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Title
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[On inside of cloth
cover, black ink, all
crossed through in pencil, on unruled paper:] Symphonie
(„Titan”) / in 5 Sätzen (2 Abtheilungen) / von /
Gustav
Mahler / I. Theil: „Aus den Tagen der Jugend” / 1. „Fühling
und kein Ende” / 2. „Blumine” / 3. „Mit vollen Segeln” / II. Theil: „Com[m]edia humana” / 4. Todtenmarsch in „Callots Manier”
/ 5. „D'all Inferno al Paradiso”
[For details of the headings of the individual movements, see
the separate fascicle descriptions via the links in the LH
pane.] |
Date |
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[Begun Winter 1892?]
[At end of Blumine:] Renovatum / 16. August 1893.
[At end of Scherzo:] 27. Jänner 93 renovatum
[At end of fifth movement:] umgearbeitet 19 Januar 1893 |
Calligraphy |
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Predominantly black
ink, with ruled bar
lines in pencil; revisions and additions in pencil; a few blue crayon revisions/corrections in IV
and V; pencil annotations by Ferdinand Weidig and Felix Draeseke. |
Paper |
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A |
20 staves, Joh.
Aug. Böhme, Hamburg. No. 12.,
upright format, 346 x 270
(r = 293), grey on cream |
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B |
18 staves, Joh.
Aug. Böhme, Hamburg. No. 11.,
upright format, 346 x 271
(r = 282), grey on cream |
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C |
18 staves, no maker's mark,
upright format, 331 x 250
(r = 276), grey on dark cream/light brown |
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D |
20 staves, no maker's mark,
upright format, 347 x 263
(r = 286), grey on cream |
Manuscript structure and collation |
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113 folios. The basic fascicle
structure is of stacked bifolia: I: 15 bifolia, numbered 1–15
II: 4 bifolia, numbered [1]–4
III: 10 bifolia (last incomplete), numbered 16–25
IV: 1 folio + 6 bifolia, numbered 1–6
V: 21 gatherings numbered 1–13, 14a–14b, 15–20 Use the
links in in the left-hand column to navigate to a more detailed
account of the manuscript and its fascicle structure. |
Provenance |
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Jenny Feld (gift from Gustav Mahler); John C.
Perrin (by bequest from his mother); sold at Sotheby's, 8
December 1959; purchased by Mrs James M. Osborn; placed on
deposit at Yale University Library in 1968. |
Facsimiles |
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Complete colour facsimile:
US-NHub Titles from inside front cover:
JDMJ,
plate III
Fol. 31r, Blumine, bb. 1–6:
JDMJ,
plate IV
Fol. 42v–43r, movement III (later II), bb. 74–86:
SMFS 110–11
fol. 59r, movement IV (later III), bb.
1–23:
KBME, plate 78
Fol. 97r–v, movement V (later IV),
bb. 502–8 + 13 deleted bars:
JDMJ,
plates V–VI
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Select Bibliography |
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SW1b (= source [A]);
JDMJ,
passim;
HBRKMM, 67–70 |
Scoring |
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Picc (=fl 3),
fl 1–2, ob 1–2, ob 3 (from movement III), cl in B/C/A
1–2 (cl 1=cl in E
in movement IV*), cl 3 in A (from movement III), , bsn 1–2, bsn
3 (from movement III) Hn in F 1–4 (with a note calling for
doubling of hn 1, 3 from b. 646ff.), tpt 1–4 in F (1–2=cornets à
pistons in movement V), trb 1–3, btuba
Timp, trg, cym, bd, tam-tam (blue crayon addition in
movements IV–V
Harp (‘womöglich doppelt besetzt’), strings
*When it first enters the part is added at the foot of the
page (fol. 107r) copied in black ink and with bar
lines drawn in pencil; thereafter it appears below the oboes in
the score, suggesting that this doubling by cl 1 was planned
from the outset and the first entry perhaps omitted through an
oversight. |
Notes |
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The manuscript is housed within a folder of
boards covered with blue cloth. The score itself has been bound
in black, cloth-covered boards which show considerable signs of
wear. The spine in particular is partially detached, and the
stitching loose; the sheets seem not to have been cut down
during the binding process. The work, part and movement titles on
the inside of the cover were almost certainly a relatively late
addition. There are no rehearsal numbers in this score,
so it was presumably never used for rehearsal or performance.
It is not possible to date the use of any of
the four papers found in the manuscript, but there is little
evidence to support Donald Mitchell's speculation (DM2, 196ff.) that some or all of the type C and D sheets formed part
of an earlier autograph score. Indeed it is striking that (with
one exception on fol. 34v–35r that might
be the result of a copying error) there are no discontinuities
in orthography or calligraphy at the points were the paper types
change. Moreover the level of correction and annotation is more
or less consistent throughout, again suggesting that the sheets
that make up the document date from broadly the same period.
The evidence of the movement numbering,
autograph fascicle numbers and revision dates suggests strongly
that the manuscript was prepared in four-movement form
(without Blumine), the composer working on Part II (i.e.
the slow movement and finale) first, and completing their
revision on 19 January 1893. Work on Part I
seems to have followed, with its fascicles numbered in a single
continuous sequence, and this was completed on 27 January 1893.
Later that year Blumine was reinstated (dated 16 August 1893). The pencil bar number counts added by Weidig (listed in the
manuscript descriptions of the separate movements), provide
strong evidence that that he used this manuscript as his source
when preparing
ACF2.
At the end of January 1894 Strauss – who may have have played
through the work with Hermann Levi in Munich in the late summer
of 1888 – wrote to Mahler (in a letter
that apparently does not survive) to tell him that he had asked
Hans von Bronsart (Intendant of the Hoftheater in Weimar and the
President of the
Allgemeiner Deutscher Musikverein)
to
consider Mahler's Symphony for inclusion in the thirtieth
festival of the ADM in June of
that year (GMRSB,
23–4;
GMRSBE, 27; for a
first hand account of Mahler's hopes for the reception of the
work, see
JBFDP, 409f.).
On receiving Strauss's letter Mahler immediately sent Bronsart a
score for appraisal (2 February, see
IKRS, 92): it is unlikely to have been
[AF1]
or
ACF1
as both had been radically superseded. Equally, Mahler would
have wished to retain what was then the current working score (ACF2),
so it was probably
AF2
that was sent to Weimar – at this stage, the fact that it had no
rehearsal numbers would not have posed a problem.
This supposition is strongly supported by some pencil
annotations by the same commentator, in the first movement and
the finale (the last of these identifies an error which Mahler
subsequently corrected):
Folio |
Bar |
System |
Annotation |
13v |
206 |
fl 1, cl 1 |
d zu cis unten? |
80v |
145, 148 |
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d zu / des in der /
Harmonie / F.D. |
81r |
150 |
tbn 3, vc |
falsch / F.D. |
Fig. 1
These are not by either Mahler or Weidig and on the basis of the
content and the initials it seems likely that the author was Felix Draeseke who
prepared a detailed
report
on the work (for a more extended discussion of the preparations
for the Weimar performance, see the notes to
ACF2).
The later history of this manuscript is well documented, though
not without some confusions. The main source of information is
the correspondence between James Marshall Osborn (1906–76) and
John C Perrin (1894–1972), now housed at US-NHub
(OSB MSS 7, Box 59,
file 1237). James Osborn was a literary scholar and cattle
breeder who joined Yale as a research associate in 1938, and
with his wife built up an extensive private collection of
literary and musical manuscripts. In 1954 he was appointed
Adviser on Seventeenth Century Manuscripts to the Yale Library,
and in 1963 began to transfer the collection to the Library,
where he became its first curator (and Curator Emeritus in
1972). John C. Perrin (whose father was an American who spent most
of his working life in Europe) was the son of Jenny Feld
(1866–1948), to whom Mahler gave the manuscript in the 1890s.
Although Mrs Osborn had purchased the manuscript at a Sotheby's
sale in 1959, it was not until 1967 that James Osborn sent a
letter to Perrin via the sale room requesting information about its history. In his reply, dated 16 January 1968,
Perrin explained that in addition to relying on his own
memories, he had researched the family papers in an attempt to
confirm the dates and sequence of events: his letters seem to
reflect a serious attempt to get things right. If some of the
information about the later history of the symphony is less than
accurate, his account of its earlier history needs to be
considered carefully – which alas did not happen in the first
article to offer an account of the
manuscript and its history (JDMJ,
76ff.) – and much of Perrin's account is given short shrift by de La Grange (HLG1,
747ff.)
From 1878 Mahler had been Jenny Feld's piano teacher in Vienna,
and kept in touch with her and her family by correspondence
until 1888: by this time her family had returned to Budapest,
and in September of that year he took up his post as Director of
the Royal Opera House there. Another source of information,
Natalie Bauer-Lechner's 1917 account of Mahler's relationships
with women, provides further memories of Mahler's long-standing
friendship with Jenny Feld
(NBLMW,
pp. 31/32):¹
In Pest war es auch, wo er viel in
das Haus seiner ehemaligen Schülerin, Jenny Feld kam,
einem Ernsten, nicht schönen, aber gebildeten & bes.
[besonders] hochmusikalischen Mädchen, welches
Mahler, seit den jugendlichsten Wienerstunden,
bewunderte & liebt, & dessen Eltern seine Verbindung
mit dem, zu hoher Stellung gelangten, einstigen
armen Konservatoristen, gerne gesehen hätten. Denn
als sie später einen Bankdirektor [!] Perin
heiratete, sagte der Vater zu Justi, die mit Gustav
bei der Trauung war: „Sehen Sie, an meiner Tocher
Seite hätte jetzt—war es sein Wünsch gewesen—Ihr
Bruder stehen können!“—Doch blieb die Freundschaft
zwischen Jenny & den Mahler'schen Geschwistern
bestehen. Sie verfolgte von Brüßel aus, wo sie in
ihre Ehre lebte, die Aufführungen von Mahler's
Werken & berichtete ihm schriftlich darüber. & als
sie mit Ihren [sic] später auf einige Jahre nach
Wien versetzt ward, blühte der persönliche Verkehr
wieder ebendig zwischen ihnen auf. |
It was also in Budapest that he often
visited the home of his former pupil, Jenny Feld, an
earnest, not pretty, but refined and exceptionally
musical girl, who had admired and loved Mahler since
her first youthful lessons in Vienna, and whose
parents would have been happy to see a betrothal
with the formerly poor conservatory student who had
made it to such a high position. When she later
married the bank director Perin, her father said to
Justi, who attended the wedding along with Mahler:
"Look, had it been his wish, your brother would now
be standing at the side of my daughter!" Still, the
friendship between Jenny and the Mahler siblings
endured. From Brussels, where her marriage had taken
her, she kept up with performances of Mahler's works
and sent him written reports about them. And later
on, when she and her family were transferred to
Vienna for a number of years, the lively personal
interaction between them blossomed anew. |
According to her son, Jenny
attended the first performance of the Symphony in November 1889,
and when in March 1891 Mahler left to take up his post in
Hamburg, he and Justine called on the Feld family and Mahler gave Jenny
‘the original manuscript’ of the work. Prompted by the Mahler
scholar Jack Diether,
Osborn wrote to Perrin on 20 May 1968 to ask how the date of
this gift could be reconciled with the 1893 dates on the
manuscript. In his subsequent article Diether quotes from
Perrin's response (in a letter to Osborn dated 17 June 1968) (JDMJ,
79):
My mother told me she returned twice the
manuscript to Mahler. Once in 1893, the year he had chosen a
Steinway piano for her at the Central European depot of Steinway
in Hamburg. A performance of this very symphony took place that
year in Hamburg, another one in 1894 at Weimar, after which he
returned the manuscript to my mother. This answers the puzzle.
May I add that my mother again returned the manuscript to Mahler
in 1897 when he had his bitter fight with Vienna editor
Weinberger, who imposed alterations. Mahler finally gave in and
rewrote for editing as it is known nowadays in this new form.
Among other alterations the Blumine movement was suppressed;
Mahler was furious, and gave in only very reluctantly.... [In
1898] Mahler was invited to direct his Second Symphony in Liege,
stayed several days with my parents in Brussels, and I
understood handed the manuscript to my mother, which never left
her since. |
Diether questioned this story, because he believed (erroneously)
that the Hamburg performance was in 1892; he also got the date
of Mahler's visit to Liège wrong: Mahler conducted the Second
Symphony there on 22 January 1899, did indeed expect to see
Jenny Feld-Perrin during his stay there (see
GMLJ, 445–6;
GMLJE, 327),
and appears to have had an exchange of letters with Jenny's
husband shortly afterwards (GMNUB,
177). Nevertheless there are some curious aspects to
Perrin's narrative. Weinberger's purported role in the revision of the
Symphony is not supported by the documentary evidence currently
available, all of which indicates that Mahler himself had grave
doubts about the inclusion of Blumine and had made the
decision to omit it at least two years before the work was
published. Yet Perrin refers to this elsewhere in his
correspondence with Osborn: it is presumably based on a mis-remembered
story that cannot now be reconstructed.
The other curious element in the narrative is the idea that the
manuscript was twice returned to Mahler: AF2 is
clearly written on Hamburg papers, so cannot have been the 1891
gift to Jenny Feld, but it could have been the manuscript given
(not returned) to her sometime after the summer 1894
performance. Which leaves at least three questions: what did Mahler give
her in 1891, why did he request its return in 1893, and why did
he need AF2 in 1897? There are no obvious candidates
that might provide the answer to the first of these: as far as
we know in 1891 Mahler had only two manuscripts of the symphony,
[AF1]
and
ACF1 and it seems unlikely that
he would have parted with either. As to the remaining questions,
without additional evidence, any answers would be entirely
speculative. The fact remains that Mahler clearly did give AF2
to Jenny Feld in the 1890s, they appear to have remained in contact
for the rest of his life (see
GMBaA, 146–47;
GMBaAE, 116–17²) and John Perrin reported that his
mother visited Mahler in Paris in 1911 as he travelled home to
die in Vienna. |
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